On April 10, 1961, at 8:55 a.m. Adolf Eichmann, who during the Holocaust period had orchestrated the deportations of Jews to ghettos and extermination camps, was seated in a glass booth in the Beit Ha'am hall in Jerusalem. The hall was packed full. People in Israel and around the world clung to the radios and listened intently to the one hundred and ten witnesses who came up one after the other and told, in the first person singular, of the horrors of the Holocaust. It was the first time the stories of the survivors took center stage and the first time the public in Israel truly stopped and listened. As a result of the trial, a different discourse developed on the fate of the Jews in the Holocaust and the place of the survivors in Israeli society.
This episode will delve into this watershed event, by focusing on the testimonies of Moshe Bejsky, a survivor of the Plaszow camp, and Rivka Yoselevska, who alone survived the shooting pits, alongside the reactions and impressions of Israeli reporters and intellectuals who witnessed the trial.
The Eichmann Trial - Transcription:
[quick note before we begin: This episode of “On the Holocaust” has been adapted from an episode of Yad Vashem’s Hebrew podcast, which featured the historian Prof. Hanna Yablonka. Her interview answers are presented here in English by a narrator.]
“It is my duty to inform you that a short time ago the security services apprehended one of the most infamous Nazi criminals, Adolf Eichmann, who was responsible, together with the Nazi leadership, for what they called ‘the final solution of the Jewish problem’ – in other words, the extermination of six million of Europe’s Jews. Adolf Eichmann is already imprisoned in this country, and will soon be brought to trial in Israel under the “Nazis and Nazi Collaborators Law”.
On May 23rd, 1960, this dramatic announcement, by Israel’s then Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion provoked a reaction from all sectors of Israeli society.
The “Voice of Israel” radio network was inundated with telephone calls, including from Holocaust survivors, for whom the capture of Adolf Eichmann--who had been head of the "Central Office for Jewish Emigration", and then head of the “Jewish section” within the Gestapo, and who had played a central role in organizing and executing the “Final Solution” - provoked ambivalent feelings. On the one hand, the survivors felt joy, satisfaction, a sense that there was a kind of historical justice and closure in this. On the other, it resurfaced scenes from a nightmarish past that, for many of them, had been suppressed since the end of the war.
Welcome to “On the Holocaust,” a podcast by Yad Vashem: The World Holocaust Remembrance Center. I’m your host, Nate Nelson. In this episode: the trial of Adolf Eichmann, sixty years after that landmark event.
We might expect that the most emotional reactions would have come mainly from the survivors, but sometimes they were more restrained than you might imagine. A book by historian Hanna Yablonka, who we’ll be hearing in this episode, describes a young Holocaust survivor, whose family had been murdered in the Holocaust, who was unable to answer when a newspaper reporter asked for her response to Eichmann's capture: "She shed a tear, folded the newspaper she held in her hand and entered her house." Yablonka herself posited a number of explanations for this. One was the simple recognition that survivors would now once again have to confront their traumatic past, which many thought they had put behind them.
Another explanation for this kind of reaction lies in the sharp contrast between the murder of six million and the capture of one, single person. Take, for example, an article that appeared in the newspaper "On the Lookout" by a Holocaust survivor named Salzman. Quote:
“And if this really is the man, how should he be punished… By hanging? Good [...] – Hang him for my sons who perished in The Gross - Rosen Camp. But what about my wife, who was murdered by S.S. men? What about my brother in law who died performing slave labor? What about my father, who was taken to Mauthausen and never came home? What about the deaths of six million European Jews who were directly or indirectly killed by him? This man can only be hanged once. No, no, perhaps it's better if it turns out there's been a mistake here and the person they caught, isn't Eichmann.”
End quote. In the months after Eichmann’s imprisonment in Israel, Bureau 06 of the Israeli Police had been established to prepare evidence for trial on an unprecedented scale. Some 400,000 documents, certificates, photographs and other sources from Israel and abroad were collected, revealing the dimensions of the Holocaust and Eichmann's role within it. This bureau was also tasked with finding potential witnesses and selecting the most suitable among them to testify.
Gideon Hausner, the Attorney General, was chosen to serve as a prosecutor in Eichmann's trial. While the police investigation team saw documentation as more valuable in proving Eichmann's guilt, Hausner strongly thought the trial should be based on live testimony. The witnesses represented stories from many different countries under Nazi rule during World War II, through which one could learn about the story of the Holocaust as a whole. Hausner was aware of the legal problems this caused: Only nine of the witnesses had ever met Eichmann face to face prior to the trial, and for most of them, their personal ordeals had little or nothing to do directly with Eichmann’s involvment in the Holocaust. He nevertheless insisted that the trial primarily focus on personal testimony. David Ben-Gurion and other statesmen also saw the trial as a historic opportunity to recount the horrors of the Holocaust for the the Israeli public, and around the world.
And not without good reason. In the early 1960s, one in four Israelis was a Holocaust survivor. Yet it seems that in the public sphere, the Holocaust was hardly present. The stories of the survivors did not break into the Israeli public sphere, And even when they did, survivors sometimes encountered criticism and misunderstanding. Rachel Hanan, a Hungarian-born Auschwitz survivor, says in her testimony that the people on the kibbutz she arrived at refused to believe her words, assuming she was just making up, quote, “horror stories."
A question that was particularly painful for Holocaust survivors was, "How did you stay alive?" Simcha Rotem, “Kazik” by his underground nickname, one of the Warsaw Ghetto fighters, said that, quote, "in almost every encounter with the local population, the question comes up: ‘How did you stay alive?’ This was repeatedly asked" he said, “and not always in the kindest way. I had a feeling I was guilty of staying alive." This question, even when asked innocently, was particularly painful because it heightened the sense of guilt that Holocaust survivors already felt. Many of them had already grappled with the question, "Why me? Why did I survive when others hadn’t?”
The inability to believe, or to understand the reality of the Jews during the Holocaust, sometimes led to critical responses: "How did you go like lambs to the slaughter? Why didn't you rise up? Why didn't you resist?" Professor Anita Shapira as well as Professor Yablonka emphasize that it was mainly the young people who spoke in these terms. However during Israel’s early years such questions became seared into the consciousness of many survivors. And yet, during the trial, Hausner repeatedly asked the witnesses these very questions: How did you stay alive? Why didn't you rebel? Why didn't you rise up? His goal was to give the witnesses a platform in which to respond to these questions in an orderly way, to present the full complexity of the problem. And it seemed that now, unlike during the first years of the state's founding, The Israeli public was listening in a completely different way..
Prof. Hannah Yablonka: The Eichmann Trial is underway in '61, Eichmann was caught in May 1960. And in the early 1960s - the late 1950’s and early 1960’s, to be precise - Israel is changing significantly. (Not for the last time.) In effect, following its withdrawal from the Sinai peninsula, I can say that Israel enjoyed its best decade. It had diplomatic relations with the entire world. Money was coming from Germany. There was a tremendous construction boom. Israel[‘s population] at the beginning of the 1960s had grown by one million people. There were some two million Israelis. The feeling was that the sky’s the limit. In my latest book, “Children by the Book”, I tell of the [celebrations for Israel’s tenth Independence Day]. [..] It was an event, the happiest, most self-congratulatory Independence Day the country has ever had. . Truly, the feeling was that everything we touch turns to gold. It was projected to me from my parents, but I remember this well...
Within this State of Israel, the Eichmann trial takes place. So now, the survivors speaking at the Eichmann trial are listened to completely differently. Meaning that they are heard and listened to. Something interesting happened - there was a real gulf between the survivors' testimony, which actually grabbed most of the public's attention, and the judges' verdict, which completely ignored the testimonies, but that constitutes the legal portion. The legal part is less interesting to us in this conversation. We're much more interested in what's going on with the public.
On April 10th, 1961, after months of investigation and information gathering, the trial of Adolf Eichmann began in Jerusalem in front of a panel of three district court judges.
The trial was covered by many journalists from Israel and around the world, including Haim Guri. His remarks, which were later published in his book " Facing the Glass Booth: the Jerusalem Trial of Adolf Eichmann " will also accompany this chapter.
"He entered the glass booth at 08:55 A.M. with no warning. He just went in and sat down. Tall, thin, dressed in a dark suit, a well-pressed white shirt and a tie. A tight-lipped policeman at either side. That was all.
A silence fell over the packed hall. No one called out. No one shouted. All eyes were fixed on him. People got up, took out notebooks, started to write without looking at what they were writing.
He sat still as a statue. What do we have here, an iron will to remain silent or the obtuseness of a man who does not realize who he is?
All stared at him, as if bewitched[.] … The silence lasted five minutes.
Suspense? No. Astonishment? No. Anguish. No. It seemed to me I was part of a silent chaos that had yet to sort itself out.
Averting my gaze from him for a moment, I spotted seven black gowns, their backs to me. They were the five prosecutors - ours - and two defense attorneys - his.
The silence persisted, broken by the bee-like buzz of hundreds of people trying to keep their feelings under control.
‘All rise!’ roared the bailiff."
One by one, the witnesses came up to the stand and described what had happened to the Jews under Nazi rule: state by state, Ghetto after ghetto and camp after camp.
Israel held its collective breath as the witnesses recounted their experiences and shocked the listeners. During the months of the trial, the witnesses made harsh and moving descriptions that mind and heart find difficult to accept. Some of the witnesses became symbols of the trial, and in doing so became symbols of the Holocaust of European Jewry.
As I mentioned earlier during the trial, Hausner repeatedly asked the witnesses, "Why didn't you rebel?"
One of the most prominent witnesses required to answer this question was Dr. Moshe Bejsky. He later became a Supreme Court justice and head of Yad Vashem’s Commission for the Designation of the Righteous
Bejsky was born in Działos zyce, Poland. At the age of 18, he was sent to the Plaszow concentration and labor camp, and was one of Oskar Schindler's survivors. Bejsky described an event of public hanging that occurred at the camp.
The suspects in question were an engineer named Krautwirt, whose reason for hanging was unknown, and a boy named Haubenstock, who was to be hanged, as rumor had it, because he had been caught humming a Russian tune. Bejsky described that all the inmates were ordered to gather at the camp ground to observe the hanging, surrounded by several hundred guards with shotguns. At that moment during the testimony Hausner asked him: why did they not rebel?
Hausner later wrote, quote: " [...]My question struck him like a blow.. A pain spasm appeared on his face. This strong and energetic man, who described the horrors he had endured for an hour without any external signs of emotion, , and who refused to testify while seated, now requested that he be served a chair."
A recording from Moshe Bejsky's Eichmann trial testimony: “... [I]t is hard to describe these things, when standing around there are not tens but hundreds of SS men with guns and fixed bayonets, and machine guns, and one has to stand there and look on. It was a sight…
Hausner: Fifteen thousand people stood there - and opposite them hundreds of guards. Why didn’t you attack then, why didn’t you revolt?
Bejsky: [..] To this there is no single reply. What I can talk of is the general situation. And perhaps from this it can be deduced.
It will certainly be difficult for anyone who was not there to understand, but after all, this happened in the middle of 1943. This was already in the third year of the war, and it didn’t begin with this. It began with something else. The people were already... the whole of Jewry was already in a state of depression owing to what they had endured, during three years. This is one thing. And the second - nevertheless there was hope. Here were people working on forced labor, they apparently needed this work. Possibly, maybe… it was plain at that time that if anyone did the pettiest thing - for it was not difficult when people, when many forces were standing there… May I now be permitted to sit?
Hausner: Certainly, you may also rest for a while.
Beijsy: First of all, I can no longer - and I acknowledge this - after eighteen years I cannot describe this sensation of fear. This feeling of fear, today when I stand before Your Honors, does not exist any longer and I do not suppose that it is possible to define it for anyone. After all, this thing is ultimately a terror-inspiring fear. [..] One could ask something else: If we did, where could we go? Nearby us there was a Polish camp. There were 1,000 Poles and there, too, were shootings from time to time under no better conditions than ours. One hundred meters beyond the camp they had a place to go to - their homes. [..] But where could any of the Jews go? We were wearing clothes which at the time were not the garments of the concentration camps, but all the clothes were dyed yellow stripes. The hair at the center of the head was not cut, [..] What could they do? [..] [A]nd let us not forget this, Your Honors, in 1943 we did not yet know what was the fate of our families and what had happened to all those who had been taken away in the deportations - this became known to us only much later. Therefore, there was also the hope that by carrying on with the work… it was impossible to imperil the lives of 15,000 people. These are, moreover, not the only reasons, Your Honors. Anyone today trying to find the causes- I do know whether he could find them [..]”
The next day, Moshe Tavor, who participated in the operation to capture Eichmann and served for many years in the Israel Security Agency and Mossad, wrote of this question - “why didn’t you rise up?” - that, quote,"This is the question of questions, and we will prepare our heads for this answer." End quote.
Prof. Hannah Yablonka: And then three weeks after... Shabtai Keshev writes in the “Haaretz” newspaper – “Is the heroism of Israel’s founding generation really greater than the heroism of one more day in the ghetto?” A sentence that would not have been imaginable in Israel’s first decade. But in the context of the 1960s, it sounded different. The entire underlying collective mentality, following this transition, all the basic conventions and fundamental stereotypes were shaken.
The testimonies given in the Eichmann trial are always in the first person singular "I". Rozka Korczak, Zivia Lubetkin and all the testimonies we know from the late 1940s are always delivered in the first person plural. I mean, “I speak for all of Vilna.” I'm a part of Vilna, I don't even have a personal story of my own. All these [others], myself and them are a single entity. In the Eichmann trial, we speak in the first person singular, with names and faces. You know when we say "six million" it's not really something anyone could grasp. But when Rivka Yoselevska goes up [to testify] and she says – I am Rivka Yoselevska and I walked with my daughter in my arms, suddenly you understand what the Holocaust is…”
Narration of Haim Gori:
"The paterfamilias, her father, a proud man, refused to strip. His clothes were torn off him. He was the first to be shot. Then the mother. Then the grandmother. Then Feige and Haya, who wanted so much to live and, stripped naked, pleaded for her life.
People started to get up and leave. The faces of those who remained became indistinguishable.
‘Who should we shoot first, you or your daughter?’ the German asked. Here, I stopped taking notes. [...]'"
Rivka Yoselevska née Goldman was born in 1915, in Pohost Zahorodsky, and was the eldest of four siblings - Rivka, Moshe, Haya and Tsipora.
Her father was a tailor and the owner of a leather shop, and her mother engaged in charitable activities. Her family was among the wealthiest families in the town. In 1934 she married Haim Brevda and the couple moved to Luninets.
A year later, when Rivka was 20, their daughter Merke [Martha] was born. The Germans occupied Luninets in early July 1941, and immediately murdered all the Jewish doctors. On August 10, Jewish men aged 14 and up were required to report to work and were murdered outside the town. Haim, Rivkaa's husband, was most likely murdered during this action.
Rivka returned to her parents' house, arriving just after an action had been carried out in the town..
The remaining Jews, including Rivka and her family, were transferred to the ghetto. A year later, on August 15, 1942, all the residents of the ghetto, including Rivka and her daughter Merke,
were taken to the village of Kamin.
Once the news of Eichmann's capture had become public, Rivka contacted Bureau 06 and asked to testify during his trial. But just days before appearing in court, she suffered a heart attack, most likely as a result of the stress and anxiety.. Her testimony was a personal one in which she told the story of one of the many towns whose Jewish inhabitants were shot to death in killing pits .
When Rivka took the stand, she began her testimony in Hebrew. However, after the technical questions were over, and once she started to tell her personal story, she moved to Yiddish:
Voiceover of Rivka Yoselevska's testimony: "We were kept on the square for the whole day without food or water. I was holding my daughter Merke's hand. She was beside me the whole time. In the evening trucks with Germans arrived. My daughter said to me: "Mommy, why did you dress me in my Sabbath dress? They are taking us to be shot. Let's escape." But it was impossible to escape, and we simply could not believe we were going to be shot....
When we arrived at this place, we saw naked people standing there already.... The parents and mothers were separated from their children... We were led, hurried towards the pit... We were naked. My father didn’t want to undress completely and kept on his underwear.... They tore his ýthings off and shot him…. I saw it. Then they took Mother. They grabbed her and shot her. Then (came the turn of)... my younger sister. She had suffered so much in the ghetto, and yet at the last moment she wanted to stay alive, and begged the German to let her live. She was standing there naked holding on to her friend. So he looked at her and shot them both… My other sister was next. Then he got ready to shoot me.
I held my daughter in my arms, she clung to me, and my only request was for us to die together. She cried, covering her eyes with every shot, overwhelmed, her lips muttering only: "Mommy I'm so scared!" I hold her close to me, hugging her tight. I want to protect her with my own head from death.
And then my turn comes. A German approaches me – my angel of death, he holds my hair and asks: "Whom do I shoot first, you or your child?" He orders me to lower the girl to the ground. I don't obey, so he shoots her in the head. I feel like I'm losing consciousness, I’m collapsing, and I can't remember how the girl fell out of my hands. All I saw was the German throwing her into the pit.
The German grabs my hair in one hand and in the other he holds his pistol. I hear a shot, but I don't feel any pain. A second shot. It’s as if the bullet passes in front of me., I'm still standing on my feet. A third shot, but this time it's a blank.
The pistol runs out of bullets. The German turns his face to me, he reloads his pistol coolly. I hear a shot and feel a sharp pain in my head. I’m covered in blood. I lose consciousness."
"I fell into the pit and felt nothing. At that moment I felt that something was weighing me down. I thought I was dead, but that I could feel something even though I was dead. . I couldn’t believe that I was alive. I felt like I was suffocating, bodies had fallen on me. I felt I was drowning. But still I could move and felt I was alive and tried to get up.. I was choking, I heard shots and again somebody falling down. I twisted and turned but I could not. I felt I was going to suffocate. I had no strength left.
But then I felt like somehow I was crawling upwards… I pulled myself up with the last bit of strength. When I reached the top I looked around but I couldn’t recognize the place. Corpses strewn all over, there was no end to the bodies…I cried out to my father and mother. Why did I stay alive? How have I sinned and what was my crime? Where do I turn? I don't have anyone. I saw everyone being murdered with my own eyes. I stayed lying down, crouching on the grave. I stayed there for three days and three nights."
Yuselevska remained lying on the covered pit for three days. In her testimony, she recalled how peasants who had passed by threw stones at her, but she did not move. Hausner asked her to cut it short. “It’s too difficult”, he says, difficult to tell, difficult to hear.
Three days later, a Polish farmer named Gruszewski found her, assisted her and informed a group of Jews from Pohust, who had fled the Germans and set up a partisan camp, about her whereabouts..One night, four of the group members arrived and carried her all the way back to the partisan camp.
Rivka stayed with them until the end of the war and took part in anti-German operations.
After the liberation, she returned to Pohust. From there she moved to Pinsk, where she later learned that her brother Moshe had survived.
She continued to search for relatives and returned to Luninets, where she reconnected with Avraham Yoselevsky, who had been a partisan in her camp, and married him. Later they immigrated to Israel and had two sons.
On May 9, 1961, the day after Rivka Yoselevka gave her testimony, Shmuel Schnitzer wrote in the "Ma'ariv" newspaper:
“Just when you thought you had reached the final stretch, and that the paths of agony surely must come to an end; after you had told yourself that you've heard all that a man could possibly hear and still remain sane, that woman with the empty eyes appeared. Those eyes that had looked into the depth of sorrow and had nothing left to see. That same woman with the hollow voice, who had called out against this last destruction, and has nothing left to protest nor caution against, that woman who had proven you wrong. It was on that day that you learned that there are agonies deeper than any hopeless abyss you had ever encountered, and that there is a sorrow more piercing than any pain or grief you had heard of. And you felt that this time you're simply incapable, and that it won't be possible for you to write about such things, because there are no words in the human language that can express this evil hell, this inferno of sorrow. And you wanted to throw your pen aside and hold your head in your hands and scream - to scream at the top of your lungs that if such a thing can happen, if man can do this to his fellow man, then you no longer want to be part of the human race. But then you return to reality and lift your eyes to see the gray face of Rivka Yoselevska, and you remember that only short days ago she had fallen ill from the horrors she was forced to revisit , and yet she is sitting now and telling her story - and you were ashamed of your weakness.”
Shmuel Schnitzer's remarks serve as an example of the renewed definition of heroism that had begun to form following the trial. In the 1950s the Jews of Europe had been perceived as sheep being led to their slaughter, as passive victims, particularly when compared to the heroic fighters for Israeli independence. The trial however had changed this perception by bringing to light the impossible reality of the Holocaust - you could not escape. You could not fight. And yet in this seemingly choiceless existence, the Jews insisted on choosing, and one of the choices was the choice to continue living. The heroism of that is clearly exemplified in Rivka Yoselevska’s ability - after all she had gone through, after seeing her father, mother, sisters and daughter murdered before her eyes, after being shot and thrown into a pit - to continue living, to remarry and to have children.
This renewed perception of heroism was clearly expressed by Shmuel Schnitzer: She is the strong one and I am the weak one.
Prof. Hannah Yablonka: From 1959 onwards, Israel, to a large extent, is willing to listen. By 59' the Israeli state had become an established fact, it's no longer "the big news". Suddenly the Holocaust becomes the topic of discussion, and the story of the Holocaust is exposed in its full horror, shocking the Israeli public. And another shocking, or rather unexpected, development for the Israeli public is the realization of how different their situation had become following the establishment of the state. For the first time they can try and bring to justice those who had harmed them. Suddenly the Jewish people is prosecuting one of the greateset Nazi criminals, and I have to say, he wasn’t a bureaucrat dutifully obeying orders, this wasn’t a “banal evil”. And this illustrated to the public here just how extreme the change in their lives between 39’ and 61’ actually was.
And they could listen to the story now, to the 110 stories told in the first person. It may have been difficult and despairing, but they could listen to these stories from a place of personal and collective strength, as residents of a sovereign state, and accept them. In other words it’s as if they’re saying: “We’re now hearing what happened to the Jewish people during its darkest period, but we’re listening and we’re internalizing”. ,
Now of course none of this happens overnight. It’s not as if in April 1961, when the Eichmann trial began, the Israelis suddenly had a moment of realization and were able to understand the Holocaust, embrace the survivors and then they all lived happily ever after. No. History is always a process. But something happened at that point, with that encounter, that started the process. There was something about the context in which this all takes place that really allows for a shift in the perception of the survivors to take place. They were no longer seen, and I'm going to say it bluntly now, as “sheep to the slaughter”, victims going passively to their deaths, but rather as a “holy flock - as pure and holy.
The trial’s verdict stated that Eichmann played a central role in the extermination mechanism, and he was convicted on all counts. On the night of May 31, Adolf Eichmann was brought to the Ramla Prison to be executed by hanging. Michael Miki Goldman, an Auschwitz survivor who was one of the investigatory officers during the trial , recounted the events of that night in his testimony:
A recording of Miki Goldman: Eichmann was taken from his cell at ten minutes to midnight and taken to the gallows cell, and we followed him. We stood a meter and a half away from him. He stood under the gallows, we stood in a row. He was executed. What I recollect is that at that moment I thought, "Am I feeling a sense of revenge or not?" I didn't feel a sense of revenge. "There is no revenge." I told myself, "There's no human revenge for what the Nazis did to the Jewish people." We left in two cars. The Commander of the Prison Services held the urn with the ashes and he rode with a priest. We arrived at the Port of Jaffa. The police ship was there, and we sailed six miles outside of Israel's borders to spread the ashes. When we reached that point, the ship stopped. We stood by the edge of the ship and together we turned the urn over and spread the ashes over the sea waves. The priest stood next to us and as we spread the ashes. I instinctively said the verse I knew, "So let all your enemies perish, Israel." That's a line from the song of Deborah the prophetess. I said that line, and someone next to me, to this day I'm convinced it was the priest, answered, "Amen." We started heading back, everyone deep in their own thoughts. I remember thinking about my parents. We returned to the port. I saw the fishermen returning from fishing. Cars started driving in the port, the sun began to shine. I returned to reality. When we disembarked the workers working in the port welcomed us with... I guess they already knew from the radio. They hugged us. I went back home and sat down and wrote the whole story. We hung one. We couldn't hang him six million times. And the story's not over.
Haim Gori ended his notes similarly with the following words: "It is 11:35. Signed but not sealed.”
In the afterword to his book "Facing the Glass Booth” he added: "It is a case of man against the sea. What I have written is but a reflection of a reflection.… This book is merely a desperate attempt to capture something that cannot adequately be described.… The world will come back to this story and stop short in front of it. Humanity will retain the memory of the gas chambers. Without ever subduing it. The 1940s will be seen as a watershed between eras.… We must remember that what appears to belong to the realm of the unbelievable may belong, in fact, to the realm of the possible. There remains, at last, the beautiful hope that untruth will not persist forever, that people will go on struggling for their right to respect and dignity, and that they will continue to believe in the rainbow that follows the flood.”
This has been On the Holocaust, from Yad Vashem: the World Holocaust Remembrance Center. Our program is produced by myself, Dor Shafir, Dani Timor and Ran Levi. Research and content management by Jonathan Clapsaddle, and Dafna Dolinko. The story you heard was written by Irit Dagan. Thanks for listening; hit ‘Subscribe’ for more episodes just like this one.