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Flight to Shanghai, 1938-1940: The Larger Setting

Avraham Altman and Irene Eber

  1. This paper is part of a larger project on the Jewish communities in modern China under Japanese occupation. The authors wish to thank the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and its Truman Research Institute for their partial support of this research. Irene Eber thanks the J.K. Fairbank Research Center, Harvard University, where additional research was carried out in 1996-1997, and the Andover Newton Theological School where she was Visiting Judson Professor. An earlier version of part of this research was read as a paper by Irene Eber at the International Colloquium “Jews in China, From Kaifeng to Shanghai,” Institut Monumenta Serica, Sankt Augustin, Germany, September 22-26, 1997. The present paper does not consider the subject of the overland route taken from Poland and Lithuania via the Soviet Union and Japan.
  2. These figures are according to Lucy Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945 (Toronto-New York: Bantam Books, 1984), pp. 374, 375. But the figures vary and may be higher when they include “Mischlinge.”
  3. Drei Jahre Immigration in Shanghai, ihr Beginn, 1939, ihre Leistung, 1940, ihr Erfolg, 1941. Abgeschlossen August 1942 (Shanghai: Modern Times Publishing House, n.d.) p. 15, Yad Vashem Archives (YVA), 078/58A. The pamphlet appears to have been sponsored by Michel Speelman who, as a major financier and business figure in Shanghai, probably had access to fairly accurate statistics.
  4. HICEM (HIAS ICA-Emigdirect) was supported by a combination of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, the Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS), and the London-based Jewish Colonization Association (ICA). The HIAS and, later, HICEM bureau, the Far Eastern Jewish Central Information Bureau for Emigrants, also known as DALJEWCIB, its telegraphic acronym, was located in Harbin until 1939, when it moved to Shanghai.
  5. N. Fromkin to HICEM, Paris, November 12, 1934, Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People (CAHJP), DAL 52.
  6. Emigration Section, Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Vienna, to DALJEWCIB, Harbin, April 16, 1939, which includes a list of metallurgists and chemists; April 12, 1939, is a list of engineers. An earlier list, of March 26, 1939, sent to M.J. Dinaburg, a leader of the Manzhouli community, contains names of thirtytwo engineers, construction workers and various other technical personnel, CAHJP, 76. The translations of the names of the Jewish organizations are in accordance with Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1990).
  7. Shanghai Municipal Police (SMP) Investigation Files, 1894-1944, Records of the Central Intelligence Agency, Record Group 263, D5422, Police Report dated November 7, 1933. The five prominent doctors were: Rosenthal, Löwenberg, Hess, Elchengrün, and Kleinwald; letter from Drs. Leo and Viktor Karfunkel, December 19, 1938, stating that they have resided in China since 1933, and have Chinese citizenship, CAHJP, 76.1. See also The China Press, November 26, 1938, p.3.
  8. Abraham Margaliot, “Emigration - Planung und Wirklichkeit,” in Arnold Pauker, ed., Die Juden im National-Sozialistischen Deutschland, 1933-1943 (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1986), pp. 303-316.
  9. Norman Bentwich, Wanderer Between Two Worlds (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co. 1941), p. 278.
  10. Yehuda Bauer, American Jewry and the Holocaust, the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, 1939-1945 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1981), p. 61.
  11. Walter Roberts to Norman Bentwich, January 20, 1939; W1515, Bentwich to the Undersecretary of State, January 26, 1939, Public Record Office (PRO), FO 371/24079, W519/519/48.
  12. “Report by SS Oberscharführer Hagen on Jewish Emigration,” September 13, 1936, in John Mendelsohn, ed., The Holocaust, Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes (New York-London: Garland, 1982), vol. 1, pp. 40-57.
  13. Udo Ratenhof, Die Chinapolitik des Deutschen Reiches 1871 bis 1945: Wirtschaft-Rüstung-Militär (Boppard/Rhein: Harold Boldt Verlag, 1987), p. 441. The establishment of Chiang's Nationalist government in 1928 did not lead to China's unification and portions continued to be controlled by provincial power-holders. Although the German Foreign Office negotiated trade agreements with Chiang Kai-shek, army authorities carried on negotiations in the mineral-rich Guangdong province, which was under local control.
  14. Karl Drechsler, Deutschland-China-Japan 1933-1939, das Dilemma der deutschen Fernostpolitik (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1964), pp. 13, 54.
  15. Otto J. Seiler, Einhundert Jahre Ostasienfahrt, der Hapag-Lloyd AG, 1886- 1896 (Hapag-Lloyd, n.d. [1986]), p. 97, records ninety sailings to East Asia in 1938, of which the great majority were freighters. See also Herbert von Dirksen, Moskau, Tokyo, London, Erinnerungen und Betrachtungen zu 20 Jahren deutscher Aussenpolitik, 1919-1939 (Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag), p. 185. Portugal became Germany’s chief supplier of tungsten after China was no longer accessible. For Portugal’s role in a related issue, see António Louçã and Ansgar Schäfer, “Portugal and the Nazi Gold: The ‘Lisbon Connection’ in the Sales of Looted Gold by the Third Reich,” Yad Vashem Studies, 27 (1999) pp. 105-122.
  16. According to The North-China Herald, May 13, 1936, p. 281, the decline of German foreign-currency reserves led, in 1936, to reduced soybean imports. See also “German-Manchu Trade Accord Concluded,” ibid., July 27, 1938, p. 153. The accord was essentially a barter agreement, according to which German and Manchukuo imports were to double. However, Germany's imports continued to exceed Manchukuo’s.
  17. According to Michael Bloch, Ribbentrop (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1992), p. 81, both Ōshima and Ribbentrop believed that Germany and Japan were “natural allies.” First appointed military attaché, Ōshima became Japan's ambassador to Germany in 1938. Japanese and Chinese family names precede personal names in the text.
  18. Dirksen, Moskau, Tokyo, London, p. 168; Bloch, Ribbentrop, p. 96.
  19. Bloch, Ribbentrop, p. 344.
  20. Ordering the end of exports was apparently easier than stopping shipments. On November 24, 1938, The China Press still reported the arrival in Mandalay of a German ship carrying 6,000 tons of ammunition. The ammunition was to reach the Chinese via Yunnan province.
  21. Arthur Prinz, “The Role of the Gestapo in Obstructing and Promoting Jewish Emigration,” Yad Vashem Studies, 2 (1958), pp. 205-218. Prinz was actively involved in the work of the Hilfsverein der Juden in Deutschland. The article is dated 1945.
  22. For the establishment of the Reichsvereinigung, see, for example, Shaul Esh, “The Establishment of the ‘Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland’ and Its Main Activities,” Yad Vashem Studies, 7 (1968), pp. 19-38; and Robert S. Wistrich, Who’s Who in Nazi Germany (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 109. Eichmann's efforts at expelling Austrian Jews in 1938 were viewed with great interest by Herbert Hagen. The “Vienna model” was recommended by Heydrich for Germany in November 1938; Hans Safrian, Eichmann und seine Gehilfen (Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995), pp. 38, 47. The RSHA was established in September 1939.
  23. Avraham Barkai, Das Wirtschaftssystem des Nationalsozialismus, Ideologie, Theorie, Politik 1933-1945 (Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1988), pp. 211-213.
  24. Schlie also owned the Hanseatic Travel Office in Berlin-Schöneberg. According to Prinz, “The Role of the Gestapo,” p. 210, Schlie had made money when he chartered a ship for Jewish emigrants headed for South Africa. Schlie’s profits from Jewish emigration must have been considerable, and his name appears on the list of Swiss bank-account owners published in The Jerusalem Post, Jerusalem, on July 25, 1997.
  25. Report from Schlie, March 5, 1939, YVA, 051/0S0/41. For a brief biography of Lischka, see Wistrich, Who's Who in Nazi Germany, pp. 157-158.
  26. Schlie to Hagen, June 2, 1939, YVA, 051\0S0\41.
  27. Schlie to illegible addressee, June 28, 1939, YVA, 051\0S0\41.
  28. Eichmann to Hagen, June 2, 1939, YVA, 051\0S0\41.
  29. According to The China Press, June 28, 1939, p. 2, the Usaramo landed 339 passengers on June 29. According to SMP, D5422 (c), Police Reports on Ship Arrivals, January-July 1939, the Usaramo landed with 459 passengers. The ship belonged to the Deutsch-Ostafrika Linie and had a capacity of 250 passengers in first, second, and third class. The vessel usually carried 126 ship personnel, which, on this voyage, was apparently pared down, if the police report is more accurate, in order to accommodate more passengers. See Claus Rothke, Deutsche Ozean-Passagierschiffe, 1919 bis 1985 (Berlin: Steiger, 1987), p. 47.
  30. H. Bullock, British consulate, Bremen, to British embassy, Berlin, June 22, 1939, PRO, FO 371/24079; Nevile Henderson, British embassy, Berlin, to Foreign Office, May 31, 1939, FO 371/24079 W8663.
  31. Bauer, American Jewry and the Holocaust, pp. 61, 66, points out that the JDC suffered constant cutbacks due to shortages of funds; had more funds been available, more might have been done.
  32. SMP, D 8039 A/7, dated February 16, 1938, September 2, 1939, for example, which lists refugee camps and numbers of refugees. But the police apparently had a hard time keeping track of the thousands of Chinese in the International Settlement, because not all refugees were in camps.
  33. The North-China Herald, August 24, 1938, p. 328.
  34. The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, October 28, 1940, p. 2.
  35. F.C. Jones, Shanghai and Tientsin, with Special Reference to Foreign Interests (London: Oxford University Press, 1940), p. 22.
  36. John H. Boyle, China and Japan at War 1937-1945, The Politics of Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), note p. 112.
  37. Henderson to Foreign Office, May 31, 1939, PRO, FO 371/24079, W8663.
  38. L.M. Robinson, British consulate-general, Hamburg, to Sir George OgilvieForbes, British embassy, Berlin, January 10, 1939, PRO, FO 371/24079.
  39. Michel Speelman, “Report on Jewish Refugee Problem in Shanghai,” Paris, June 21, 1939, JDC, RG 33-44, file 457.
  40. Mark R. Peattie, “Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China,” in Peter Duus et al, eds., The Japanese Informal Empire in China, 1895-1937 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 200.
  41. The China Press, November 18, 1938, p. 1. The Japanese vowed to keep the river closed until the Nationalist government was destroyed.
  42. Quarterly Report, ending December 31, 1937, PRO, FO 371/22129.
  43. Robert W. Barnett, Economic Shanghai: Hostage to Politics, 1937-1941 (New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1941), p. 26.
  44. For example, report ending September 30, 1939, PRO, FO 371/2350.
  45. Ellis Hayim, Michel Speelman, and Brown to Morris Troper, Paris, December 14, 1939, JDC, RG 33-44, file 458. Established on October 19, 1938, to provide for the needs of the mainly impoverished German and Austrian refugees, among the committee’s leading members were prosperous Baghdadi Jews. Was the CAEJR letter a response to a communication from the SMC and the French Concession authorities?
  46. “Report on Jewish Refugee Problem,” JDC, RG 33-44, file 457. Since Speelman does not mention the exact date in December, we have no way of knowing if this observation was part of an ongoing discussion about the influx.
  47. Shanghai Municipal Archives, December 23, December 25, and December 31, 1938, respectively, YVA, 078/85. The initial SMC correspondence was followed during the next nine months by a flurry of cables, letters, and circulars between the SMC and the Foreign Office, the Foreign Office and its embassies and consulates in Germany and Italy, as well as between the consulates and the embassies to which they were responsible. The major issues raised were who would pay for supporting the new arrivals and what measures would be taken to stop the departure from Europe in the first place.
  48. Hilfsverein to JDC, Paris, February 10, 1939, enclosed in Troper, Paris, to JDC, New York, JDC, RG 33-44, file 457. A half-year later, Speelman reiterated the Hilfsverein’s position to JDC officials in Paris. He added that the organization was openly advertising that Shanghai was the only place refugees could go to without any “formalities”; Speelman, “Report on Jewish Refugee Problem,” JDC, RG 33-44, file 457.
  49. This subject in particular deserves more detailed treatment than can be given here. It is an issue further developed in our larger project.
  50. Hilfsverein to JDC, Paris (forwarded to JDC, New York, by Troper), February 10, 1939, signed Arthur Prinz, Franz Israel Bischofswerder, Victor Israel Löwenstein, JDC, RG 33-44, file 457. Copy, CAHJP, DAL 76.1, sent to HICEM, Harbin; Letter from Theodore C. Achilles, chairman, Departmental Committee on Political Refugees, Department of State, to George L. Warren, March 31, 1939, which includes a letter from Robert T. Pell about his conversation with the Berlin Jewish leaders, JDC, RG 33-44, file 457.
  51. As a result of Swiss demands, the German authorities agreed to stamp the passports of Jews with a “J,” which allowed the Swiss border police to check whether the passport holders were Jewish and, in this way, keep them out of the country. This measure took effect on October 4, 1938; Saul Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, Vol. 1: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939 (New York: HarperCollins, 1997), vol. 1, p. 264.
  52. Japan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1868-1945, S Series microfilm (JFM), Reel 415, frames 2561-2562, December 6, 1938, for text of the document, which has sometimes been misunderstood as expressing a pro-Jewish policy, as, for example in David Kranzler, Japanese, Nazis & Jews (New York: Yeshiva University Press, 1976), p. 224ff. The five ministers were the prime minister, the army, navy, finance, and home ministers.
  53. Consul General Hidaka, Shanghai, to Arita, December 7, 1938, JFM, Reel 413, frames 797-798.
  54. Goto to Arita, Secret, December 26, 1938, JFM, Reel 414, frames 905-907.
  55. Arita to Goto, Secret, December 30, 1938, JFM, Reel 414, frames 903-904.
  56. Miura to Arita, January 23, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 957-959.
  57. Consul General Sir Herbert Phillips to Ambassador Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, Shanghai, February 4, 1939, PRO FO371/24079, W 2061.
  58. Sir Nevile Henderson, Berlin, to Foreign Office, February 23, 1939, PRO FO371/24079, W3341/519/48; Earl of Perth, Rome, to Foreign Office, March 6, 1939, PRO FO 371/24079, W4253/253/519/48. See also Miura to Arita, January 23, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 957-959.
  59. Cable from Sir Nevile Henderson, Berlin, to the Foreign Office, June 26, 1939, PRO FO371/24079, W9863/519/48. Henderson’s cable was in response to one from the Foreign Office complaining that the traffic was not orderly emigration; see W8663/519/48, May 31, 1939.
  60. Norman Bentwich to the undersecretary of state at the Foreign Office, June 26, 1939, PRO FO371/24079, W1515; L.M. Robinson, British consulate general, Hamburg, to Sir George Ogilvie-Forbes, Berlin, January 25, 1939.
  61. Foreign Office to ambassador in Shanghai, January 10, 1939, PRO FO371/24079, W519,5.
  62. Police report, December 13, 1938, SMP, D5422.
  63. Shanghai Municipal Archive; to Sir Herbert Phillips, no signature, December 28, 1938, YVA, 078/85.
  64. “Zhongguo he Youtairen wenti” (“China and the Jewish Problem”), Xin shenbao, September 29, 1939, p. 2.
  65. January 30, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frame 993. In reply, The China Weekly Review took up the cause of the refugees in an editorial entitled “Jewish Refugees Should Be Welcomed and Assisted Here!,” February 4, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frame 994.
  66. Arita to Miura, Top Secret, April 17, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 1168- 1171. The three committee members were Ishiguro Yoshiaki, a consul in the Shanghai consulate general; Col. Yasue Norihiro, the head of the Dairen Special Services Agency who controlled the Manchukuo Jewish community, and Navy Captain Inuzuka Koreshige, who was attached to China Area Fleet HQ for the duration of the investigation. The latter two were considered experts on the “Jewish problem.”
  67. The Asia Development Board, the Kōain, was a cabinet agency established in December 1938, to coordinate all government activities related to China, apart from formal diplomacy; Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, 9 vols. (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1983); vol. 1, p.102b.
  68. Although a good half of the report dealt with strategy vis-à-vis the well-to-do Jews in Shanghai and, through them, with the Jews in the United States, the views on these proposals were not recorded in the available documents. The discussions dragged on for three months, probably due to disagreements among the participants.
  69. “A Joint Report of Research on the Jews in Shanghai,” Top Secret, July 7, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 1235-1281. For discussions of the report and proposed changes: Reel 414, frames 1102-1104, 1219-1220, 1227-1233, 1285-1290, 1293-1296, 1321, 1354, 1397-1404, 1458-1469.
  70. The communications to Bracklo and Farinacci, both dated August 10, 1939, are in JFM, Reel 414, frames 1414-1418 and frames 1421-1423.
  71. The two cables, the first dated August 14, 1939, and the second August 16, 1939, are in JDC, RG 33-44, file 458, Troper to JDC New York, August 18, 1939. The meeting at the consulate general is detailed in JFM, Reel 414, frames 1406-1407, Miura to Arita, Urgent, August 20, 1939; Reel 414, frames 1419-1420, Miura to a list of senior military recipients and the Liaison Sections of the Central China Fleet Expeditionary Force HQ and of the Asia Development Board, Secret, August 11, 1939. The text of the memorandum, dated August 9, 1939, is in Reel 414, frames 1424-1426.
  72. Miura to Arita, August 12, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 1427-1430.
  73. Phillips to Miura, August 14, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 1449-1450.
  74. “All Shanghai Now Closed to Emigrés,” The China Press, August 15, 1939, pp.1,6.
  75. Phillips to Miura, August 14, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frames 1449-1450.
  76. Consul Ishiguro had already approached the head of the NYK’s Shanghai bureau three weeks earlier about desisting from carrying refugees to Shanghai. The bureau chief replied that Jewish refugees were the sole passengers on the company’s European run; also, as long as Italian vessels carried large numbers of refugees, little would be gained by having the NYK give up this business, which would also mean a loss of revenue; JFM, Reel 414, frames 1326-1328, Ishiguro to Kimura, administrative head of the Asia Development Board’s 1st section, July 27, 1939.
  77. Miura to Arita, August 17, 1939, JFM, frames 1451-1453.
  78. JFM, Reel 414, frame 1484, Bracklo to G.G. Phillips, August 19, 1939, enclosed in a letter to the senior consul, August 19, 1939, frame 1485. See also PRO, FO 371/24079, W14479, Bracklo to Poul Scheel, senior consul, August 19, 1939, and Brigidi to Scheel, August 16, 1939. The Portuguese consul general, J.A. Ribiero de Melo, also protested to Scheel, August 18, 1939.
  79. G.G. Phillips to shipping companies, August 17, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frame 1474.
  80. “Committee Formed for Jew Problem,” North-China Herald, August 23, 1939, p. 325. For Eduard Kann's letter to the Japanese consulate general informing it that he had been delegated by the CAEJR to represent it on the committee, see JFM, Reel 414, frames 1525-1526, Miura to 3rd Fleet staff officer, November 16, 1939.
  81. Birman to JDC, New York, October 24, 1939, JDC, RG 33-44, file 458.
  82. “Provisional Arrangement Regarding Entry into Shanghai of Central European Refugees,” n.d., JFM, Reel 414, frame 1535. According to Kann, this “arrangement” was based on revisions to his suggestions, “Report on the Problem of Immigration into China on the Part of European Refugees,” November 11, 1939, JDC, RG 33-44, file 458.
  83. Birman to JEAS [the acronym of HIAS’s name in Polish], September 4, 1940, CAHJP, 86.4; Birman to HICEM, Marseilles, that the Shanghai municipal authorities persistently refuse to put into writing that persons without a “J” in their passports do not need a permit; October 27, 1941, CAHJP, DAL 96.
  84. Ishiguro to Nash, October 10, 1939, JFM, Reel 414, frame 1534; the English-language text of the “Temporary Procedure Regarding Entry into the Japanese Occupied Part of the International Settlement of Central European Refugees,” frames 1596-1597; Cattand, October 19, 1938, frames 1530-1532; Miura to Nomura, Secret, November 7, 1939, frame 1533.
  85. Shanghai Municipal Archives, Kann to Nash, November 4, 1939, YVA, 078/88. Kann’s request that SMC permits be valid for six months was later granted; JFM, Reel 414, frames 1515-1517, Miura to Nomura, November 2, 1939; JDC, RG 33-44, file 459, Kann to Hayim, Speelman, Kadoorie, February 1, 1940.
  86. Kann glumly concluded that, even though the SMC was issuing permits, 75 percent of the permit holders would be unable to leave because fares had to be paid in U.S. currency; “Report on the Problem of Immigration into China on the Part of European Refugees,” November 11, 1939, JDC, RG 33-44, file 458.
  87. Anna Ginsbourg, “Jewish Refugees in China” (Shanghai: The China Weekly Review, 1940), p. 20.
  88. For the text of the revised regulations, Kann to Speelman, June 1, 1940, JDC, RG 33-44, file 459. Meir Birman, who was close to events in Shanghai, had a different version of the reasons for the change; Birman to HICEM, Marseilles, September 29, 1941, CAHJP, DAL 96; for details of this version, Speelman to Troper, January 12, 1940, JDC, RG 33-44, file 459. Concerning the bank, Shanghai Municipal Archives, Nash to Kann, June 1940; CAHJP, 86.3, Birman to Reichsvereinigung, June 27, 1940, YVA, 078/88.
  89. Birman to Reichsvereinigung, April 1, 1940, CAHJP, 86.3.
  90. Birman to Kultusgemeinde, Vienna, June 14, 1940, CAHJP, DAL 87. Apparently the Japanese made available 900 permits for relatives.
  91. Birman to Rosovsky and Epstein, Kobe, March 31, 1941, CAHJP, 72.4; Birman to E.J. Londow, Washington, D. C., December 26, 1940, DAL 93. See also February 1, 1940, JDC, RG 33-44, file 459. The SMP could deal with only thirty applications a week, while twice that number was received by the CAEJR. Kann wrote to Hayim, Speelman, and Kadoorie that no solution had been found to this problem; February 1, 1940, JDC, RG 33-44, file 459.
  92. Edgar Rosenzweig and Dr. Michael Langleben were among the very last refugees to reach Shanghai via Saigon, disembarking in Shanghai on November 26, 1941; Birman to HICEM, Marseilles, November 28, 1941CAHJP, DAL 101.
  93. Birman to Reichsvereinigung, September 23, 1940, CAHJP, 86.3. See also CAHJP, DAL 95, Birman to Reichsvereinigung, March 17, 1941, and Birman to Kultusgemeinde, Vienna, March 20, 1941. Some refugees with permits managed to cross the Soviet Union without the coveted Manchukuo transit visa. Birman was puzzled how they accomplished this.
  94. Birman to Montreal, February 12, 1941, CAHJP, DAL 94.
  95. Warsaw, to DALJEWCIB, August 15, 1940, CAHJP, 86.4, JEAS [HIAS]; Tatiana Berenstein et al. comps., eds., Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach Polskich w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej (Warsaw: Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, 1957), pp. 55-56.
  96. Friedländer, Nazi Germany and the Jews, p. 247.
  97. How the Japanese gained their experience in “puppet rule” over Jewish communities in Manchukuo is examined by Avraham Altman, “Controlling the Jews, Manchukuo Style” in Roman Malek, ed., Jews in China, From Kaifeng to Shanghai (Monumenta Serica, Special Volume [forthcoming]).
  98. Dalia Ofer, Escaping the Holocaust, Illegal Immigration to the Land of Israel, 1939-1944 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p.14.