• Menu

  • Visiting

  • Shop

  • Languages

  • Accessibility
Visiting Info
Opening Hours:

Sunday to Wednesday: ‬08:30-17:00
Thursday: 8:30-20:00 *
* The Holocaust History Museum, Museum of Holocaust Art, Exhibitions Pavilion and Synagogue are open until 20:00. All other sites close at 17:00.

Fridays and Holiday eves: ‬08:30-14:00

Yad Vashem is closed on Saturdays and all Jewish Holidays.

Entrance to the Holocaust History Museum is not permitted for children under the age of 10. Babies in strollers or carriers will not be permitted to enter.

Drive to Yad Vashem:
For more Visiting Information click here

Everyday Antisemitism in Pre-War Nazi Germany: The Popular Bases

Michael H. Kater

  1. The first view has been succinctly stated by Thomas Nipperdey, “1933 und Kontinuitaet der deutschen Geschichte,” Historische Zeitschrift 227, 1978: 98. An example of the second view is in William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930–1935, Chicago, 1965, p. 77, who writes that the inhabitants of the small North German town of Northeim (“Thalburg”) were drawn to anti-Semitism because they were drawn to Nazism, not the other way around .'
  2. Hajo Holborn, “Origins and Political Character of Nazi Ideology,” Political Science Quarterly 79, 1964: 546; Eva G. Reichmann, Die Flucht in den Hass: Die Ursachen der deutschen Judenkatastrophe, Frankfurt am Main, n.d., especially pp. 279–82. For a recent, sympathetic criticism of Reichmann's view, see Michael R. Marrus, “The Theory and Practice of AntiSemitism,” Commentary, August 1982: 38.
  3. See especially Ian Kershaw, “Antisemitismus und Volksmeinung: Reaktionen auf die Judenverfolgung” (hereafter–Kershaw, “Antisemitismus und Volksmeinung”) in Martin Broszat and Elke Froelich, eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit II: Herrschaft und Gesellschaft im Konflikt, Teil A , Munich and Vienna, 1979, pp. 291–308; idem , “The Persecution of the Jews and German Popular Opinion in the Third Reich,” Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 26, 1981: 261–89; idem , “Alltaegliches und Ausseralltaegliches: Ihre Bedeutung fuer die Volksmeinung 1933–1939,” Detlev Peukert and Juergen Reulecke, eds., Die Reihen fest geschlossen: Beitraege zur Geschichte des Alltags unterm Nationalsozialismus  Wuppertal, 1981 (hereafter–Peukert and Reulecke), pp. 273–92. Kershaw also underestimates anti-Semitism as a factor in the pre– 1933 rise of National Socialism, in his “Ideology, Propaganda, and the Rof the Nazi Party,” in Peter D. Stachura, ed., The Nazi Machtergreifung, London, 1983, pp. 167–68. To a lesser extent Falk Wiesemann's remarks in M. Broszat et al., eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit: Soziale Lage und politisches Verhalten der Bevoelkerung im Spiegel vertraulicher Berichte  Munich and Vienna, 1977, p. 430. Such interpretation is supported, from the contemporary view of the 1930s, by judgements in the reports of the exiled SPD. See, for example, Deutschland-Berichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands (Sopade) 1934–1940, Salzhausen and Frankfurt am Main, 1970, 2 (1935): 925; and ibid. 7 (1940): 260. A balanced assessment of the problem is given in Lawrence D. Stokes, “The German People and the Destruction of the European Jews,” Central European History 6, 1973 (hereaft–Stokes), especially pp. 173– 74, 182, 190.
  4. See the relevant chapters in Max L. Margolis and Alexander Marx, A History of the Jewish People, New York, 1974. See also Wanda Kampmann, Deutsche und Juden: Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Judentums, Heidelberg, 1963 (hereafter–Kampmann), pp. 13–34; Leo Sievers, Juden in Deutschland: Die Geschichte einer 2000 jaehrigen Tragoedie, Hamburg, 1979 (hereafter–Sievers), pp. 21–56.
  5. Reinhard Ruerup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus: Studien zur “Judenfrage” der buergerlichen Gesellschaft, Goettingen, 1975 (hereafter–Ruerup), pp. 11–73; Kampmann, pp. 35–224; Sievers, pp. 83–224. For Stuttgart, see Maria Zelzer, Weg und Schicksal der Stuttgarter Juden: Ein Gedenkbuch, Stuttgart, n.d. (hereafter–Zelzer), pp. 20–60. For the example of Gerson von Bleichroeder, see Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichroeder, and the Buildingof the German Empire, New York, 1977 (hereafter–F. Stern), pp. 461–93; for the example of Albert Ballin, see Lamar Cecil, Albert Ballin: Business and Politics in Imperial Germany 1889–1918, Princeton, 1967, pp. 3–142.
  6. George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews: The Right, the Left, and the Search for a “Third Force” in Pre-Nazi Germany, New York, 1971, pp. 3–76; Peter G. J. Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria, New York, 1964 (hereafter–Pulzer), pp. 76–126. See also Ruerup, pp. 74–114; F. Stern, pp. 494–531; Gordon A. Craig, Modern Germany 1866– 1945, New York and Oxford, 1978, pp. 83–85, 204; Richard S. Levy, The Downfall of the Anti-Semitic Political Parties in Imperial Germany, New Haven and London, 1975; and the pre–1914 chapters in Brewster S. Chamberlain, “The Enemy on the Right: The Alldeutsche Verband in the Weimar Republic, 1918–1926,” PhD dissertation, University of Maryland, 1972.
  7. Donald L. Niewyck, The Jews in Weimar Germany, Baton Rouge and London, 1980 (hereafter– Niewyck), especially p. 12; Egmont Zechlin, Die deutsche Politik und die Juden im Ersten Weltkrieg, Goettingen, 1969 (hereafter–Zechlin), pp. 554–55; Heinemann Stern, Warum hassen sie uns eigentlich? Juedisches Leben zwischen den Kriegen, ed. Hans Ch. Meyer, Duesseldorf, 1970 (hereafter–H. Stern), p. 163; Wolfgang Scheffler, Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich 1933–1945, 2nd ed., Berlin, 1964, p. 15.
  8. Undoubtedly, this is why many Russian and Polish Jews came to Germany after 1918, even though some of them went on to France and the USA. See S. Adler-Rudel, Ostjuden in Deutschland, 1880–1940: Zugleich eine Geschichte der Organisationen, die sie betreuten, Tuebingen, 1959, pp. 64–150. For Heilbronn, see Hans Franke, Geschichte und Schicksal der Juden in Heilbronn: Vom Mittelalter bis zur Zeit der nationalsozialistischen Verfolgungen (1050–1945), Heilbronn, 1963 (hereafter–Franke), pp. 106–107.
  9. This is ably shown in Monika Richarz's introduction to the book she edited, Juedisches Leben in Deutschland: Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte 1918–1945, Stuttgart, 1982, esp. pp. 28– 30, 37. Also see first-hand accounts by survivors, ibid., pp. 77–227. Further, see the balanced judgments rendered in a volume of essays edited by Werner E. Mosse, Entscheidungsjahr 1932: Zur Judenfrage in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik, 2nd ed., Tuebingen, 1966 (hereafter–W. E. Mosse). The blending of pro-Nazi and Nazi impulses of anti-Semitism is most ably described in Niewyck, pp. 46–54.
  10. Pulzer, p. 289; Zechlin, pp. 517–53; H. Stern, pp. 96–97, 106; Paul Sauer, Die juedischen Gemeinden in Wuerttemberg und Hohenzollern: Denkmale, Geschichte, Schicksale, Stuttgart, 1966 (hereafter–Sauer), p. 196.
  11. Theodor Abel, Why Hitler Came To Power, New York, 1966; first printing, 1936, p. 156; George L. Mosse, Toward the Final Solution: A History of European Racism, New York, 1978, pp. 177–78.
  12. Julius Wissmann, “Zur Geschichte der Juden in Wuerttemberg 1924–1939” (hereafter– Wissmann) in Sauer, p. 200; Max P. Birnbaum, Staat und Synagoge 1918–1938: Eine Geschichte des Preussischen Landesverbandes juedischer Gemeinden (1918–1938), Tuebingen, 1981 (hereafter–Birnbaum), p. 85.
  13. For the demography and social conditions of German Jews, see Heinrich Silbergleit, Die Bevoelkerungs- und Berufsverhaeltnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich, Berlin, 1930; Esra Bennathan, “Die demographische und wirtschaftliche Struktur der Juden,” in W. E. Mosse, pp. 87–131; Gerhard Schulz, Aufstieg des Nationalsozialismus: Krise und Revolution in Deutschland, Frankfurt am Main, 1975 (hereafter–Schulz), pp. 615–17. As an impressionistic account of Jews in Frankfurt, see Valentin Senger, No. 12 Kaiserhofstrasse, New York, 1980, pp. 9–53.
  14. Kaete Frankental, Der dreifache Fluch: Juedin, Intellektuelle, Sozialistin: Lebenserinnerungen einerִ rztin in Deutschland und im Exil, Frankfurt am Main, 1981 (hereafter–Frankethal), p. 99. Also see the examples in G. L. Mosse, Final Solution, pp. –79; Niewyck, pp. 55–81; Franke, p. 110; Stern, pp. 104–05, 163–80; Michael H. Kater, Studentenschaft und Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland 1918–1933: Eine sozialgeschichtliche Studie zur Bildungskrise in der Weimarer Republik, Hamburg, 1975, pp. 146–47; Franz Hundsnurscher and Gerhard Taddey, Die Juedischen Gemeinden in Baden: Denkmale, Geschichte, Schicksale, Stuttgart, 1968, p. 22. In more general terms: Zechlin, p. 565; Alex Bein, Die Judenfrage: Biographie eines Weltproblems, Stuttgart, 1980 (hereafter–Bein), Vol. 1, p. 371.
  15. H. Stern, p. 168. As in this case, all translations of original German texts into English are by the author.
  16. This connection is explained in Michael H. Kater, The Nazi Party: A Social Profile of Members and Leaders, 1919–1945, Cambridge, Mass., 1983 (hereafter–Kater, Nazi Party), pp. 19–71. See also Peter H. Merkl, Political Violence under the Swastika: 581 Early Nazis, Princeton, 1975, passim.
  17. John Farquharson, “The NSDAP in Hanover and Lower Saxony 1921–26,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 8, No. 4, October 1973, p. 110.
  18. Niewyck, p. 53, Karl A. Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz: Nazi Policy Toward German Jews 1933–1939, Urbana, Ill., 1979 (hereafter–Schleunes), p. 70.
  19. See the reference to Unsittlichkeit (immorality) in an anti-Jewish flyer, “Wohnungsnot und Juden-Einwanderung,” n.d. [appr. 1929], Staatliches Archivlager Goettingen, Gauarchiv Ostpreussen, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, microfilms Niedersaechsisches Staatsarchiv Bueckeburg (hereafter–SAG), SF 6826, GA/101. Examples of rabid anti-Semitism among German women of the upper classes are to be found in Guida Diehl, Die Deutsche Frau und der Nationalsozialismus, Eisenach, 1933, pp. 15, 56; Hildegard Passow, “Juedische Greuelpropaganda,” Informationsdienst der NSF (Deutscher Frauenorden), No. 11, Munich, April 8, 1933, Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, microfilm 13/254.
  20. Correspondence of Der Stuermer with NSDAP chapter Koenigsberg, December 1932, SAG, SF 6818, GA–29.
  21. See Kater, Nazi Party, pp. 67–68, 110–11.
  22. The anti-Semitism of the lower-middle-class members in the Weimar Republic is treated in Heinrich August Winkler, Mittelstand, Demokratie und Nationalsozialismus: Die politische Entwicklung von Handwerk und Kleinhandel in der Weimarer Republik, Cologne, 1972 (see, for instance, p. 177). See also Schulz, p. 618.
  23. Enclosure with letter from Beil to Gauleitung Ruhr, Krefeld, January 14, 1928, Hauptstaatsarchiv Duesseldorf, RW 23/NSDAP, GauleitungRuhr.
  24. Brettschneider to Heidrich, Elbing, January 23, 1931, SAG, SF 6819, GA–35.
  25. The Nazis argued wrongly, but, according to lower-middle-class shopkeeper mentality, utterly convincingly, when they said: Cheap merchandise, manufactured under the personal direction of Jews, is flooding the Christmas market. The golden calf is playing the role of the Christ child! With typically Jewish cynicism one rabbi says: Too bad that Mary did not bear two Jesus boys. Had she done so, our people could now double their Christmas sales!!!' (flyer, “Die Christus ans Kreuz schlugen, machen das Weihnachts-Geschaeft!” Koenigsberg, n.d. [shortly before December 12, 1930], SAG, SF 6826, GA–101). See also Thomas Childers, The Nazi Voter: The Social Foundation of Fascism in Germany, 1919–1933, Chapel Hill and Lon, 1983.
  26. Frankenthal, p. 237. See also Franke, p. 108; Birnbaum, p. 186.
  27. The background for the above is in Hans Mommsen, “Der nationalsozialistische Polizeistaat und die Judenverfolgung vor 1938,” Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte 10, 1962: 68–77; Schleunes; Uwe Dietrich Adam, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich, Duesseldorf, 1979 (hereafter– Adam); and Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of European Jews, Chicago, 1967, pp. 18–105. Also see Mommsen, “Die Realisierung des Utopischen: Die Endloesung der Judenfrage' im Dritten Reich,'” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 9, 1983: 381–420.
  28. Partial text is in Gerd Ruehle, Das Dritte Reich: Dokumentarische Darstellung des Aufbaues der Nation, Berlin, 1933, pp. 112–13, and cf. p. 145. The most exhaustive interpretation of this law is still that in Hans Mommsen, Beamtentum im Dritten Reich: Mit ausgewaehlten Quellen zur nationalsozialistischen Beamtenpolitik, Stuttgart, 1966, pp. 39–61. See also Adam, pp. 51–64. See Gerd Ruehle, Das Dritte Reich: Dokumentarische Darstellung des Aufbaues der Nation: Das dritte Jahr 1935, Berlin, 1935, pp. 254–58, 277–82; Schleunes, pp. 120–32; Adam, pp. 114–44.
  29. A contemporary Nazi interpretation of Reichskristallnacht and its consequences is provided in Gerd Ruehle, Das Dritte Reich: Dokumentarische Darstellung des Aufbaues der Nation: Das sechste Jahr 1938, Berlin, 1938, pp. 394–404. Critically and in the context of other official antisemitic measures: Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German Dictatorship: The Origins, Structure, and Effects of National Socialism, New York and Washington, 1972, pp. 366–68; Hermann Graml, Der 9. November 1938: “Reichskristallnacht,” Bonn, 1958; Helmut Genschel, Die Verdraengung der Juden aus der Wirtschaft im Dritten Reich, Goettingen, 1966, pp. 177–217; Schleunes, pp. 214–54; Adam, pp. 204–16. For local examples of how the destruction was organised see, in the case of Mannheim, Hans Joachim Fliedner, Die Judenverfolgung in Mannheim 1933–1945, Stuttgart, 1971 (hereafter–Fliedner), pp. 199–204; in the case of Stuttgart, Zelzer, pp. 194–96.
  30. In 1933 and even later, there was a sizeable number of German Jews who either did not believe Hitler's judeophobic utterances or – worse – pretended to identify themselves with them by pointing their fingers at “bad” Germans or allegedly inferior Eastern Jews. For the period before April 1, 1933, see the evidence in Peter Hanke, Zur Geschichte der Juden in Muenchen zwischen 1933–1945, Munich, 1967 (hereafter–Hanke), pp. 106–108; Frankenthal, p. 235; entry for March 28, 1933, in Erich Ebermayer, Denn heute gehoert uns Deutschland. Persoenliches und politisches Tagebuch: Von der Machtergreifung bis zum 31. Dezember 1935, Hamburg and Vienna, 1959, p. 49. See also Fliedner, p. 45; Carl J. Rheins, “Deutscher Vortrupp, Gefolgschaft deutscher Juden 1933–1935,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 26, 1981: 207–29; Hans-Joachim Schoeps, “Bereit fuer Deutschland”: Der Patriotismus deutscher Juden und der Nationalsozialismus: Fruehe Schriften 1930 bis 1939: Eine historische Dokumentation, Berlin, 1970, pp. 9–166; example Toni Ullstein in Hermann Zondek, Auf festem Fusse: Erinnerungen eines juedischen Klinikers, Stuttgart, 1973, p. 171. Especially telling is the telegram by the Jewish Centralverein functionary Dr. Julius Brodnitz to Hitler [Berlin], March 23 [1933]: “Zusammenstellung der Schritte, die der Centralverein Deutscher Staatsbuerger Juedischen Glaubens e.V. gegen die Greuelpropaganda des Auslandes [!] unternommen hat,” n.d. [1933], SAG, SF 6818, GA–29. For Goering's role in this see Birnbaum, p. 225, n. 3. The examples of the Jewish Professor Otto Lubarsch, at the medical faculty of the University of Berlin, and (honorary) Professor Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, in Munich, are particularly tragic. Both were hyper-nationalistic and on the verge of Antisemitism. Lubarsch greeted Hitler's rise to power with enthusiasm. He died in April 1933 before the Nazis could touch him, but Cossmann was deported and killed in Theresienstadt (1942). On Lubarsch, see Walter Stoeckel, Erinnerungen eines Frauenarztes, ed. Hans Borgelt, Munich, 1966, p. 180; Otto Lubarsch, Ein bewegtes Gelehrtenleben: Erinnerungen und Erlebnisse, Kaempfe und Gedanken, Berlin, 1931, pp. 539–68. On Cossmann, see George F. W. Hallgarten, Als die Schatten fielen: Erinnerungen vom Jahrhundertbeginn zur Jahrtausendwende, Frankfurt am Main, 1969, pp. 67–76; Else Behrend-Rosenfeld, Ich stand nicht allein: Erlebnisse einer Juedin in Deutschland 1933–1944, 2nd ed., Frankfurt am Main, 1963 (hereafter- Behrend- Rosenfeld), pp. 118- 19, 159- 60, 171; Rolf Hochhuth’s introduction to Joseph Goebbels, Tagebuecher 1945: Die Letzen Aufzeichnungen, Hamburg, 1977, p.26. For the third mind-boggling example of a few Stuttgart Jews who wished to join the NSDAP after 1933, see Zelzer, p.161 (see also pp. 99- 105).
  31. The customary interpretation of the boycott is as in Stokes, p. 172. The “planning” is also stressed in Schleunes, pp. 62–91, although on pp. 79, 84, 85 the author mentions interesting capricious incidents. See also Adam, pp. 60–61, 86; and Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, eds., Documents on Nazism, 1919–1945, London, 1974 (hereafter–Noakes and Pridham), p. 461. The indiscriminate action just prior to April 1, 1933, is documented in anonymous [Centralverein East Prussia] to Centrale, Berlin [Koenigsberg], March 27, 1933, SAG, SF 6818, GA–29 (for East Prussia); and Klaus-Dieter Krohn and Dirk Stegmann, “Kleingewerbe und Nationalsozialismus in einer agrarisch-mittelstaendischen Region: Das Beispiel Lueneburg 1930–1939,” Archiv fuer Sozialgeschichte 17, 1977: 87–88. See also ibid. , pp. 88–90, for other “extracurricular” boycott activities (for Lueneburg).
  32. Eric G. Reiche, “From ‘Spontaneous' to Legal Terror: SA, Police, and the Judiciary in Nuernberg, 1933–34,” European Studies Review 9, 1979: 240.
  33. The calculation is according to figures in Michael H. Kater, “Ansaetze zu einer Soziologie der SA bis zur Roehmkrise,” Ulrich Engelhardt et al., eds., Soziale Bewegung und politische : Beitraege zur Geschichte der modernen Welt, Stuttgart, 1976, p. 799, note 5; and Statistisches Jahrbuch fuer das Deutsche Reich 1935, pp. 12–13 (based on the census for 1933).
  34. My view is supported by the argument in Bein, pp. 372–73.
  35. A good example of this is in the excerpt, “Halbmonatsbericht des Regierungspraesidenten von Ober- und Mittelfranken,” April 7, 1933, in Broszat et al., pp. 434–35.
  36. For an evaluation of Hitler's relationship with his old cronies, the Alte Kaempfer before 1933, see Michael H. Kater, “Hitler in a Social Context,” Central European History 14, 1981: 259–60.
  37. Schleunes, pp. 71–72; Ludwig Foerder, “SA-Terror in Breslau,” in Gerhard Schoenberner, ed., Wir haben es gesehen: Augenzeugenberichte ueber Terror und Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich, Hamburg, 1962, pp. 18–22.
  38. Adam, p. 47.
  39. Martin Gumpert, Hoelle im Paradies: Selbstdarstellung eines Arztes, Stockholm, 1939, p. 131.
  40. Fraeulein Itzig to Goering, Arys, March 15, 1933, SAG, SF 6818, GA–29. Also see Dr. Hirschberg, Centralverein Deutscher Staatsbuerger Juedischen Glaubens e.V., to Centralverein, Landesverband Ostpreussen, Berlin, March 23, 1933, ibid.
  41. Letter by US Consul in Leipzig, Ralph Busser, of April 5, 1933, reprinted in Noakes and Pridham, p. 460.
  42. Hanke, p. 128. For more examples of this kind in other parts of the Reich see Fliedner, p. 113; Wissman, pp. 201–02; Schleunes, pp. 72–73.
  43. Hanke, p. 127.
  44. See Adam, p. 48; and n. 28 above.
  45. Hanke, pp. 100–101.
  46. Ibid. , pp. 81–82.
  47. Ibid. , p. 97; and n. 28 above. Also see Helmut M. Hanko, “Kommunalpolitik in der Hauptstadt der Bewegung' 1933–1935: Zwischen revolutionaerer' Umgestaltung und Verwaltungskontinuitaet” (hereafter–Hanko), in Martin Broszat et al., eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit III: Herrschaft und Gesellschaft im Konflikt, Teil B , Munich and Vienna, 1981, pp. 396–97.
  48. See Michael H. Kater, “Zum gegenseitigen Verhaeltnis von SA und SS in der Sozialgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus von 1925 bis 1939,” Vierteljahrschrift fuer Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 62, 1975: 364–72.
  49. Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 807–808.
  50. Ibid. , p. 929.
  51. Ibid. , p. 1030.
  52. Ibid. , p. 1038.
  53. Ibid. , p. 811, July 1935; Landrat Schraermeyer, memorandum “Betr.: Berichterstattung in polizeilichen Angelegenheiten,” Hechingen, June 27, 1935, Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen (hereafter–SAS), HO 235, I–VIII, F 23; excerpt, “Monatsbericht der Polizeidirektion Muenchen,” June 4, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 443.
  54. Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 25, 1035–36.
  55. Ibid., pp. 921, 1027, 1032–33, 1039, 1042; excerpt, “Taetigkeitsbericht des Gauamts fuer Kommunalpolitik, Gau Franken,” July 10, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 448; Falk Wiesemann, “Juden auf dem Lande: die wirtschaftliche Ausgrenzung der juedischen Viehhaendler in Bayern,” in Peukert and Reulecke, pp. 384–86.
  56. Artur Dinter, Die Suende wider das Blut: Ein Zeitroman, 3rd ed., Leipzig, 1919.
  57. Testimony of Hildegard Trutz in Louis Hagen, Follow My Leader, London, 1951, p. 259.
  58. Example in Hans Robinsohn, Justiz als politische Verfolgung: Die Rechtsprechung in “Rassenschandefaellen” beim Landgericht Hamburg 1936–1943, Stuttgart, 1977, p. 18. See also O. D. Kulka, “'Public Opinion' in National Socialist Germany and the Jewish Question'” (hereafter–Kulka), Zion: Quarterly for Research in Jewish History 40, 1975, pp. 262, 265; doc. 13 (September 26, 1933), in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung der juedischen Buerger in Baden-Wuerttemberg durch das nationalsozialistische Regime, ed., Paul Sauer, Stuttgart, 1966, 1: 24; Ulrich Knipping, Die Geschichte der Juden in Dortmund waehrend der Zeit des Dritten Reiches, Dortmund, 1977 (hereafter–Knipping), p. 45.
  59. See the example in Viktor Klemperer, LTI , [East] Berlin, 1949, pp. 113–14. See also Bruno Gebhard, Im Strom und Gegenstrom 1919–1937, Wiesbaden, 1976, p. 59.
  60. Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 804. The Mudersbach episode is from Ziel und Weg 5, 1935: 427–28.
  61. Behrend-Rosenfeld, pp. 24–49.
  62. Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 69. Other examples of unprovoked physical violence by civilians are in Franke, pp. 215–17.
  63. Excerpt, “Monatsbericht der Polizeidirektion Muenchen,” June 4, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, pp. 444–45.
  64. Regarding practicing physicians see the hate propaganda, “Das Raubtier,” by Ernst Hiemer, cited in Arnd Mueller, Geschichte der Juden in Nuernberg 1146–1945 , Nuremberg, 1968 (hereafter–Mueller), pp. 263–64; and Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 809–10.
  65. See table 11 in Kater, Studentenschaft, pp. 218–19.
  66. The document I have cited is from the Medical Student Associations (Medizinische Fachschaft) of Hamburg University but typical for other such documents contained in the Wuerzburg Student Archive. “Bericht aus der Medizinischen Fachschaft der Studentenschaft der Universitaet Hamburg,” Berlin, April 17, 1936, Archiv der ehem. Reichsstudentenfuehrung und des NSD-Stundentenbundes, Wuerzburg (hereafter–ARW), I* 80 g 581/2. It was only on June 18, 1936, that the Reich Education Ministry left the decision regarding Jewish gynecology interns to the individual universities, and then not to student leaders but to hospital directors. See Albrecht Goetz von Oelenhusen, “Die nichtarischen' Studenten an den deutschen Hochschulen: Zur nationalsozi Rassenpolitik 1933–1945” (hereafter–Oelenhusen), Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte 14, 1966: 184, especially note 52; and doc. 197, June 18, 1936, in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung, pp. 242–43. Governmental legislation from 1933 on permitted pre-1933 registered Jewish students of medicine to continue with their studies. After April 1934, they could not take doctoral examinations unless they relinquished their German citizenship. An ordinance of April 15, 1937 prohibited all Jewish students from earning a doctoral degree. For details, see Siegfried Boschan, Nationalsozialistische Rassenund Familiengesetzgebung: Praktische Rechtsanwendung und Auswirkungen auf Rechtspflege, Verwaltung und Wirtschaft, Berlin, 1937, p. 167; Uwe Dietrich Adam, Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus: Die Universitaet Tuebingen im Dritten Reich, Tuebingen, 1977, p. 116; Oelenhusen, p. 91.
  67. See “Bericht...” of April 17, 1936, as in n. 6 above. Also, pertaining to the medical faculty of Wuerzburg University, Winheim, Stellvertretender Fachschaftsleiter Medizin, Klinikerschaft Wuerzburg, Pathologisches Institut, Luitpoldkrankenhaus, to Bayerisches Staatsministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus, Wuerzburg, October 1, 1935, ARW, IV* 1, 31/10.
  68. Vierte Verordnung zum Reichsbuergergesetz,” July 25, 1938, in Johannes Buettner, ed., Der Weg zum nationalsozialistischen Reich: Dokumente zur Verwirklichung des Programms der NSDAP, Berlin, 1943, 1: 150.
  69. From the perspective of a former victim, the process is described in detail in Siegfried Ostrowski, “Vom Schicksal juedischerִ rzte im Dritten Reich: Ein Augenzeugenbericht aus den Jahren 1933–1939,” Bulletin des Leo Baeck Instituts 6, 1963: 319–51.
  70. KVD chapter Waldenburg to KVD Lower Silesia, Waldenburg, September 4, 1935, Unterlagder Kassenaerztlichen Vereinigung Deutschlands und der Reichsaerztekammer, West Berlin (hereafter–UK), PLA/235. For an example from Heilbronn, see facsimile letter of June 12, 1933, in Franke, p. 115.
  71. Behrendt to Schulz, Berlin, February 10, 1938, UK, PLA/243. One German-Jewish physician who had moved to Palestine and whose insurance premiums were being withheld by the KVD in 1937 sued the association in a Saxon court and won his case. See correspondence of Dr. W., 1937, UK, PLA/248.
  72. Swoboda to Bapopo, Munich, October 13, 1933, Staatsarchiv Muenchen, LRA/30656.
  73. Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935, pp. 808–09.
  74. See Hanke, p. 84.
  75. See the example from Munich in Hanke, p. 101. For Mannheim, see Fliedner, p. 123.
  76. Mueller, p. 217.
  77. Frick to Landesregierungen, Berlin, August 20, 1935; Frick to Preussische Regierungspraesidenten, Berlin, September 10, 1935, SAS, HO 235, I–VIII, F 23.
  78. Reichs- und Preussischer Wirtschaftsminister [Schacht] to Dr. Heintze, Berlin, September 11, 1935, SAS, HO 235, I–VIII, F 23.
  79. This view was first authoritatively stated by Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Garden City, New York, 1960, pp. 134–36 and passim. It is now empirically corroborated in Kater, The Nazi Party.
  80. See text above near references to notes 40, 49–52, and below near reference to note 83. Also see excerpt, “Halbmonatsbericht des Regierungspraesidenten von Ober- und Mittelfranken,” July 21, 1934, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 440; Kulka, p.263; Franke, p 117; Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 102, 1034; Milton Mayer, They Thought They Were Free: The Germans 1933–1945, Chicago and London, 1955, p. 121; Noakes and Pridham, p. 462; Schleunes, pp. 143–45; Adam, Judenpolitik, p. 85.
  81. See Graf Stosch, Stapoleitstelle, to Gestapo, Recklinghausen, November 5, 1934, Staatsarchiv Muenster, Polit. Polizei, 3. Reich/430; Hanke, pp. 102, 150; Fliedner, p. 116; Gau Westfalen Nord, “Stimmungs- und Lagebericht fuer den Monat November 1936,” Staatsarchiv Muenster, Gauleitung Westfalen-Nord, Gauschulungsamt/15.
  82. Taetigkeitsbericht Gau Sued-Hannover-Braunschweig fuer Mai 1933,” Hanover, June 12, 1933, Niedersaechsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Hanover, Hann. 310 I, B 13; Hanke, p. 80. Sometimes discontented German farmers in the countryside molested Jewish cattle dealers without punishment. See excerpt, “Monatsbericht des Bezirksamtes [Ebermannstadt, Bavaria],” November 30, 1936, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 97.
  83. See Buergermeister Rettich to Landrat in Hechingen, Haigerloch, May 14, 1937, SAS, HO 235, I–VIII, F 23; Kulka, p. 267; and the examples in Hanke, pp. 399–400, 417–25.
  84. Excerpt, “Monatsbericht des Bezirksamtes [Ebermannstadt, Bavaria],” November 30, 1936, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 98; doc. 936, Aug. 26, 1938, in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung, p. 108; Hanke, p. 137; Franke, p. 120.
  85. On the phenomenon as such, see Schleunes, pp. 156–57. See also the specific examples from Nuremberg in Mueller, p. 222–25; from Dortmund in Knipping, pp. 74–76; from Heilbronn in Franke, pp. 118–19. See also Kershaw, “Antisemitismus und Volksmeinung,” p. 308.
  86. Bernhard Loesener, “Als Rassereferent im Reichsministerium des Innern,” Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte 9, 1961: 290. But as early as May 1936 the Reich Interior Ministry had conceded municipalities independent jurisdiction in the matter. See Joseph Walk, ed., Das Sonderrecht fuer die Juden im NS-Staat: Eine Sammlung der gesetzlichen Massnahmen und Richtlinien – Inhalt und Bedeutung, Heidelberg and Karlsruhe, 1981 (hereafter–Walk), p. 164. On the other hand, a Reich ordinance decreeing that Jews stay out of public bath (and other public places) was not issued until June 16, 1939. Ibid. , pp. 295–96.
  87. Mueller, p. 217; excerpt, “Halbmonatsbericht des Regierungspraesidenten von Ober- und Mittelfranken,” August 8, 1933, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 435.
  88. Hanke, p. 104.
  89. Entry for August 21, in Jochen Klepper, Unter dem Schatten deiner Fluegel: Aus den Tagebuechern 1932–1942, ed. Hildegard Klepper, Munich, 1976, p. 100. Joining Berlin at that time were Fulda, Beuthen and Speyer. See Walk, p. 48.
  90. Walk, p. 85; excerpt, “Lagebericht des Regierungspraesidenten von Unterfranken,” August 7, 1934, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 440.
  91. Excerpt, “Monatsbericht der Bayerischen Politischen Polizei,” August 1, 1935, ibid. , p. 450.
  92. Ibid. , pp. 450–51.
  93. See note 77, above.
  94. Quotation is from Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 921 (August 1935). See also ibid. , pp. 800– 03, 932, 1036, 1042; Hermann Meyerhoff, Herne 1933–1945: Die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus: Ein kommunalpolitischer Rueckblick, Herne, 1963, p. 105; doc. 45, August 8, 1935, in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung, p. 61; Knipping, pp. 49–50; Walk, pp. 121–22, 154.